Introduction to the 1962 Diary

By Yixiao Zheng

Chiang Kai-shek had never lost his enthusiasm for launching a counteroffensive to retake the Chinese mainland. In the eyes of Chiang Kai-shek, the situation on the mainland had reached a critical point by 1962: the economic disaster and natural calamities continued to plague Communist China; the people on the mainland were said to have become increasingly disillusioned with the policy of the Communist regime; morale throughout the Communist system and military had plunged; and the pressure of the Soviet Union on the Chinese Communists had never been greater. Accordingly, Chiang’s enthusiasm for ‘counteroffensive and national recovery’ reached a new height in 1962, as he intended to seize what he saw as a historic opportunity to recover the mainland. Hence, in this 1962 diary, readers may sense that the Kuomintang regime’s political and military preparations for this great campaign were moving into top gear. The Nationalist armed forces were said to have made great strides in military training aided by U.S. military advisers. The sixth meeting of the Central Policy Committee was convened to discuss a special military budget to provide for the appropriation of special funds for the planned military campaign. As the Premier of the Executive Yuan, Vice President Chen Cheng seemed to be preoccupied with the war preparations too.


As the KMT government was actively engaged in military preparations for the counterattack against the Communist mainland, a major humanitarian crisis broke out along the border between Hong Kong and mainland China since late April as Canton’s inhabitants started crossing into the British colony (and, to a lesser extent, into Macao). They were displaced by famine and a disastrous Communist policy that had forced Canton’s inhabitants to move to the rural areas to work on the farms. The Chinese Communist authorities’ initial acquiescence to the situation and loss (if not a deliberate relaxation) of border control quickly led to rapid escalation of the crisis as there was an increasing flow of hungry refugees who decided to flee from famine and Communist rule lest they should die of starvation. By May, the influx of refugees pouring over the border in search of food and a better life soon reached the hundreds of thousands. This diary offers a very detailed account of the circumstances surrounding this mass exodus. Because the Vice President intended Fu to play a substantial role in the communication and negotiations with the Hong Kong authorities in the handling of the refugee crisis, Fu’s account of the event gives some insights into the development of the R.O.C. government’s policy response to this humanitarian crisis. For instance, readers could find evidence of Chen Cheng’s intention to pull off a major propaganda coup by demonstrating the R.O.C. government’s willingness to shoulder the humanitarian burden of the refugee crisis, not least because the Taipei government announced its willingness to take all the refugees from the mainland, which arguably had gone beyond the purpose of easing the humanitarian situation. The diary also sheds light on Fu’s own involvement, including his personal assessment of the situation and advice, his collaboration with Ye Gongchao and Chen Jianru during the crisis, and how the subsequent developments had largely confirmed Fu’s predictions. After the crisis reached its climax, the prospect of further escalation had receded by the end of May. Following the reinforcement of border control on the Chinese side and the decision taken by the British Hong Kong government to refuse the Chinese refugees status and to forcibly return them in order to stop the attempted exodus, the crisis had abated by June. Fu’s account also describes the conclusion of the event.


The 1962 diary also covers other aspects of the domestic political scene. The political fortunes of the Vice President continues to feature in Fu’s account of the internal politics of the Kuomintang this year. Chen’s poor health had forced him into taking long sick leave early in the year. Amid a constant barrage of recurrent rumours and hearsay about Chen’s situation and possible replacement, Fu remained sceptical about the political speculation notwithstanding his concern about the continuing rivalry between Chen Cheng and Chiang Ching-kuo. Fu was deeply worried about President Chiang’ poor physical condition, and noted his months-long struggle to recover from a surgery that Chiang had undergone in June as well as his reported willingness to completely hand over his power to Chen and Chiang Ching-kuo (the intelligence apparatus and the military). Fu also wrote about the circumstances surrounding the election and appointment of the President of the Academic Sinica. Readers may find interesting accounts of Zhu Jiahua’s role in this process, how Wang Shijie was chosen in preference to Zhu in the final stage of presidential appointment by Chiang himself, as well as Fu’s opinions about Zhu’s efforts. Fu’s diary also covers the personnel change of the central and provincial governments (including the military) as Fu noted the months of speculation about the cabinet’s reshuffle and other key personnel changes, including the circumstances surrounding the replacement of Taiwan’s Provincial Governor, Zhou Zhirou, and hearsay about him and his son. The diary also notes the factional division of the Legislative Yuan as Fu learned about the distribution of power among the various political factions among the Legislators and Chiang’s success in maintaining his control of the Legislators and commanding their loyalty. Also recorded is the infighting between the Control Yuan members and their Secretary General that eventually led to the fall of Liu Kaizhong in June.


Fu also gives a fairly detailed account of the situation of the management of KMT party affairs. The lack of morale among the Kuomintang party cadres is highlighted; so is Chiang Kai-shek’s dissatisfaction with the poor performance and leadership of the KMT Central Standing Committee and his great displeasure with what Chiang saw as the Party’s loss of revolutionary zeal, as well as the lack of discipline among Party members (not least the KMT members of the elected government institutions). A major highlight of Chiang’s efforts to tighten up the party apparatus and to rectify the party’s problems was the reinforcement of the party membership registration regime, which was also intended to be part of the preparations for the Kuomintang’s upcoming 9th National Congress to be held in 1963; and Fu also recorded the policy discussion concerning the party membership registration for the serving Justices from the Party, and his own views on the implementation of the registration requirements among the KMT elected representatives. Fu also noted the situation of the Anti-Communist Movement (反共自清運動) and the suggestion he put forward to Chiang and Chen regarding the importance of using experienced and prudent party elders for decision-making and young talents for policy implementation.


This year, Fu attended the three symposiums (座談會) of the Central Advisory Committee and the sixth and seventh meetings of the KMT Central Policy Committee, and Fu also duly recorded the circumstances surrounding the Fifth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee of the KMT, which was held in conjunction with the seventh meeting of the Party’s Central Advisory Committee in November. Fu also wrote about the situation of some of the overseas Party elders, such as Li Zongren’s unexpected defection to the Chinese Communists and the reactions this had provoked on the island, Kong Xiangxi’s low-profile return to Taiwan, Song Ziwen’s difficulty in returning to Taiwan, the continued uncertainty over Zhang Fakui’s return, the return of Sun Ke’s son, and how Sun Ke cared and joked about Fu’s private life when meeting a visitng Kuomintang Legislator in the United States. The diary also touched upon the role of the Broadcasting Service of China in the establishment of television broadcast service in Taiwan. Fu also learned of the exceptional leniency in Chiang Kai-shek’s handling of Sun Liren’s case. Zhang Qiyun efforts to establish the Chinese Culture University were also noted in the diary, which notes the resistance Zhang had encountered at the Ministry of Education and Chiang Kai-shek’s criticism of Zhang’s personnel choice, citing the choice of Ye Gongchao as an unwise example. Fu also noted interesting stories about the relationships between Jia Jingde, Yan Xishan and Xu Yongchang, wrote about his reminiscences about Xia Chongwen, and Wang Shijie’s recall of his recommendation to Chiang Kai-shek on Song Ziwen’s appointment as Premier of the Executive Yuan and Wang’s regret about the decision. The year 1962 also witnessed the celebration of the Republic of China’s first Constitution Day on 25 December.


The judicial dimension of this diary’s contents covers the workings of the Commission on the Disciplinary Sanctions of Functionaries, the affairs of the Judicial Yuan at large, as well as the work of the Ministry of Judicial Administration. Insofar as the Commission on the Disciplinary Sanctions is concerned, Fu wrote about the Control Yuan’s dissatisfaction with the alleged excessive leniency on the part of the Commission in the handing of the cases, and how Fu had tried to explain to the ombudsmen the Commission’s approach and to defend the integrity of his fellow Commissioners. In the diary, Fu also noted the political background of the case involving Taipei’s Mayor Huang Qirui, and the situation of a case concerning the impeachment of a senior police officer of the Taiwan Provincial government. Fu was pleased with the modest increase in the Commission’s statutory budget, which was passed unhindered by the Legislative Yuan. The Judicial Yuan lost a Justice following the death of Justice Hu this year; the diary records the deliberations between Fu and the President of the Judicial Yuan on the choice of his successor as well as Chiang Kai-shek’s view on this matter. As to the work of the Ministry of Judicial Administration, Fu noted and commended Minister Zheng Yanfen’s efforts to improve pay and conditions for judges and the staff of his ministry, which encountered difficulties in both the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan. Also highlighted are the circumstances surrounding the replacement of the President (Li Xuedeng) of the Taiwan High Court. In 1962, the proposed institutional reforms concerning the separation of the prosecution and judicial services had yet to materialise; and the Judicial Yuan and the Executive Yuan remained divided on the issue regarding the jurisdictional change for the District and High Courts. The diary also highlights the deliberations of the KMT Central Policy Committee on the constitutionality of the Act Governing the Punishment of Police Offences and the Publication Act, the Bill for the Corruption Punishment Act during the Period for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion, as well as the Judicial Yuan’s ongoing deliberations on the legislative amendments concerning civil and criminal procedures and the Public Functionaries Discipline Act. Like what he had indicated in the preceding diaries, Fu once again expressed his approbation of the British legal custom and practice, whereby unwarranted public discussion of the specific judicial cases under adjudication would have been considered a breach of the ‘Contempt of Court’ rule and should be prohibited for the sake of preserving the dignity of the court. The diary also gives an account of the District Court’s handling of a high-profile adultery case that had attracted wide public attention; and Fu noted the mass anger provoked by the accused, which was indicative of the hearts and minds of the people on the island then.


The 1962 diary contains Fu’s records of the visits of the President of Madagascar and former President of Columbia. Fu noted how the R.O.C. government was hard-pressed to provide more investment in Paraguay when receiving the Paraguayan Foreign Minister. The R.O.C.’s diplomatic efforts and international response during the refugee crisis are also featured in this diary. For instance, the Nationalist government contacted the American governments to ask for U.S. assistance for the transportation of mainland refugees to Taiwan and to help persuade the British government to instruct the Hong Kong authorities to cooperate with the R.O.C. Fu also noted the Chinese Communist government’s strong opposition to the provision of food aid by foreign countries, as well as London’s difficult position as manifested in the British reluctance to cooperate with the R.O.C. government in the transportation of Chinese refugees to Taiwan for fear of antagonising the Communist authorities. Fu also noted the Hong Kong authorities’ refusal of Australia’s offer of humanitarian aid. The question of Chinese representation at the United Nations is also briefly noted in this diary. Apart from the outcome of the General Assembly vote on the question of Chinese representation in October this year, Fu also wrote about the increasing private support among some American friends for the Chinese Communists and noted Harriman’s preference for the ‘two China’ solution too. Fu also expressed his personal contempt for India, which chose to support Communist China’s entry into the United Nations despite Chinese military aggression into Indian territory. This year, Fu noted the difficulty in securing Japanese loans, as well as the growing British, Australian, Canadian and American interest in developing trade relations with Communist China. Fu also highlighted the rising importance of Africa as a diplomatic arena and the competition for diplomatic recognition in Africa where the Nationalist government was said to have held a lead vis-a-vis the Communist government. But the more important factor shaping the R.O.C.’s diplomacy in 1962 had to be Chiang Kai-shek’s preparations for ‘the counteroffensive and national recovery’ programme. Readers may find Chiang’s gradual abandonment of the hope for a Third World War on which his military plan for counterattack had previously hinged, as well as Chiang’s professed belief that the situation of the Taiwan Strait and the question of mainland China stood at the centre of world politics.


However, Chiang faced tremendous difficulties in obtaining U.S. support for his plan, and the diplomatic wrangling had led to tensions and a serious deterioration in relations between the two allied governments in 1962. Fu followed the developments in the R.O.C.-U.S. bilateral relationship closely. For instance, the diary contains Fu’s accounts of the resignation of Ambassador Drumright, President Kennedy’s personal choice of the new U.S. Ambassador to the R.O.C., Kirk, as well as Fu’s advice on how to deal with and win over the new American ambassador. Also highlighted is Fu’s reunion with Ambassador Harriman, then Assistant U.S. Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs, during his official visit to Taiwan after sixteen years since Harriman left Moscow. Fu’s observation of Harriman’s visit and the bilateral political consultation on the question of counteroffensive shows Chiang’s firm insistence on amending the Sino-American Mutual Defence Treaty and his desire for an immediate launch of counterattack. The diary also registers U.S. disapproval and America’s flat rejection of Chiang’s demand for U.S. agreement, let alone support, for the Nationalist government’s attempted national recovery by the use of force. The diary also notes the Kuomintang regime’s continued attempt to urge the United States government to change its attitude towards the Chinese Communists, not to miss the historic opportunity for retaking China, and to abandon the strategy of passive containment; but Washington remained unswayed and instead chose to show its disapproval of the Kuomintang’s mobilisation efforts, and remind Taipei that, though the U.S. government recognised the Chinese wish to recover the mainland, the national interest of the United States that was at stake must be respected. Fu recorded Chiang’s great disappointment with the U.S. position and growing feeling of disenchantment with the defence treaty as revealed by the remarks made by Foreign Minister Shen Changhuan at the Legislative Yuan; and Shen Changhuan’s remarks even indicated a readiness on the part of the R.O.C. to go ahead with its military campaign even without U.S. support, notwithstanding the great importance Chiang had personally attached to the contacts and negotiations with the U.S. military. By late May, what the Vice President told Fu about the allied relationship suggested that, save some over-cautious elements of the State Department, an understanding had been reached between the Nationalist government and the U.S. military that, the U.S. side would not oppose the R.O.C.’s preparations for the military counterattack, whereas the Chinese side would never engage in any risky or reckless acts. The question of U.S. aid, which also features in Fu’s account, probably played a significant role in changing the R.O.C. government’s attitude. Fu noted the media reports, which were denied by U.S. officials, of a freeze on U.S. military aid to the R.O.C. in 1962 and a substantial reduction of the total U.S. aid to the R.O.C. this year. By early June, in order to persuade the U.S. government to resume suspended military aid, Chen had reportedly promised to consult the United States before the Chinese government would decide to undertake any military actions. Fu also noted Harriman’s advocacy of continued U.S. aid to the R.O.C. at the U.S. Congress and his acknowledgement of the R.O.C.’s huge improvements in agriculture and economy. The diary also notes the secret talks between the Chinese Communist and American ambassadors in Poland, where the Chinese ambassador was reportedly relieved and pleased to obtain a U.S. pledge that the United States would not support any counterattack operations undertaken by the R.O.C. against the Chinese mainland. Fu’s diary also contains indication of a fledgling American interest in an independent Taiwan.


What added to the deepening misunderstanding between the two governments was the release in March of classified U.S. government documents containing those controversial conversations about China during WWII (including critical remarks about Chiang Kai-shek’s war efforts and Hurley’s report to Roosevelt), which, according to the diary, created a media feeding frenzy in 1962. Fu also records the release of documents covering his own secret conversations with U.S. Counsellor Eugene Doorman in March 1943 about the Chinese perception and assessment of the Soviet Union’s territorial ambitions in China. In the diary, Fu explained the reasons why he chose not to report the conversation with Doorman to the Chinese government back then and why he declined to make any comments about that conversation now (for fear that it might complicate the situation further). Fu also noted U.S. media reaction to these released documents, which acknowledged that the Chinese views and assessment of Soviet intentions had apparently been vindicated by events. Upon learning of the death of John Leighton Stuart, Fu wrote down his comments about the late American Ambassador to China, whom he believed had an illusion about the Chinese Communists and was deceived by certain Chinese Communists, such as Zhou Enlai.


The diary also contains Fu’s observations of the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and his interactions with some of the Chinese diplomats. For instance, he noted several ambassadorial postings in Latin America, Africa and Europe. Fu wrote about what he had learned about the work of the R.O.C. ambassador (Yuan Zijian) to (South) Vietnam and the strained relationship between the ambassador to Mexico (Liu Qinwu) and the host government. The diary also notes the defection of Sun Jialin to the British Hong Kong government and its impact on the R.O.C.’s work in Hong Kong. Fu also registered the government’s growing doubt about the allegiance of Guo Youshou, who was a friend of Fu, following reports from Paris and the government’s refusal to issue a diplomatic passport to Guo. Readers could also find Fu’s accounts of the work conditions of the Chinese Consul-General in New York and the personnel issues involving the R.O.C.’s diplomatic representatives (including Jiang Tingfu, Liu Kai and Hu Shize) in the United Nations system. The diary contains an extensive account of Fu’s conversations with Liu Kai before the latter’s appointment to the post of the R.O.C. representative to the United Nations, as well as a fairly detailed description of Ye Gongchao’s situation with respect to his earlier resignation from the ambassadorial post and his present relationship with the President and Vice President. Fu also noted how he and others had tried to help Ye Gongchao mend his ties with Chiang Kai-shek.

Like the previous diaries, Fu watched closely the developments both inside and between the great powers. This diary notes the continued instability and internal power struggle inside the Soviet Union as manifested by Molotov’s mysterious situation, as well as the Soviet government’s denial of a split within the CPSU. Fu was also impressed by the huge changes that had taken place in Soviet society. As to the United States, Fu noted the Americans’ assessment of the situation of the Communist movement around the world and the balance of forces between the Free World and the Communist camp. Fu also noted Kennedy’s State of the Union Address and the differences between the Executive Branch and the U.S. Senate over Kennedy’s aid policy towards Communist states (Yugoslavia and Poland). Fu’s observation of the foreign relations of Communist China also features in this diary. Fu noted the growing conflict between Beijing and Moscow as manifested by the closures of Soviet Consulates in Harbin and Shanghai by the Chinese Communist authorities, the Chinese Communists’ hostility towards Khrushchev’s theory of ‘peaceful coexistence’ with the Western imperialist powers, Khrushchev’s barely-disguised disgust for the CPC and his warning against the grave consequences of the Chinese Communists’ bellicosity in a nuclear age, the termination of Soviet technical assistance to the construction of industrial projects in China, and the failure of the Chinese Communists to gain the upper hand in their power rivalry for influence over Outer Mongolia against the Soviets. The outbreak of a border conflict between India and Communist China in November was highlighted in this diary. Fu noted the removal of India’s left-leaning Defence Minister, Krishna Menon, by Nehru under U.S. pressure in exchange for U.S. military aid to India, and the secret peace talks held between the Indians and the Chinese in December; Fu also tried to offer his own assessment of the military situation and the implication of the Sino-Indian border conflict for the R.O.C. and international relations at large. Fu also lamented the decline of British foreign policy as he expressed his disappointment with Britain’s sale of jet airliners to Communist China and Macmillan’s attempt to encourage the Kennedy administration to adopt a more pro-Communist China policy.


However, the most significant international development was related to the superpower relations and the general state of the allied relationship across the Atlantic. Indeed, Fu was most concerned about the perceived growing tendency on the part of the United States to seek conciliation with the Soviet Union and the Communist world and its implications for the R.O.C.’s international standing. In Fu’s view, the misguided American idealism in favour of conciliation was largely derived from the U.S. perception of American economic and strategic superiority over the Soviet Union, which had induced a perceived American readiness to enhance U.S. engagement with the Soviet Communists and to try to negotiate a strategic understanding with the Soviets. For instance, Fu noted signs of U.S. conciliation on the question of Berlin as the Kennedy administration showed a greater willingness to accommodate Soviet strategic interests in Western Europe, and displayed a growing desire to cooperate with the Soviets on nuclear non-proliferation. This conciliatory posture was reciprocated by the Soviet Union, supported by Britain, and opposed by both France and West Germany, which were deeply worried about this growing tendency towards U.S.-Soviet collusion at the expense of America’s Western European allies. As to the development of the Atlantic alliance relations, Fu noted America’s consistent support for European integration, the relations between the Kennedy administration and the West German government, U.S. dominance over Britain’s missile programme, and Washington’s call for greater burden-sharing by Common Market countries in European defence and economic aid to the developing world. But the most salient development in this regard pertains to the growing tension between the United States and Gaullist France, which not only blocked Britain’s entry into the European Economic Community, but also sought to build a French-led four-power grouping (consisting of France, West Germany, Italy and Spain) as a neutral third international force independent of the rivalry between the Anglo-Saxon group (comprising Great Britain and the United States) and the Soviet Union. The diary marks Fu’s disapproval of de Gaulle’s Euro-centric geopolitical ambitions and his excessive Franco-centric vision. In the face of Europe’s growing optimism about its future, Fu also expressed his heightened concern about France’s overblown triumphalism derived from the country’s outstanding economic performance and the rapid improvement in the European economy in recent years. The diary also revealed Fu’s understanding of America’s concern about the instability of French politics. The outbreak of the Cuban missile crisis also featured in Fu’s account of the superpower rivalry. Fu followed closely the development of the Cuban missile crisis starting in October, and noted the superpowers’ mutual desire to avoid war. Readers may find Fu’s own assessment of the possibility of war at the time, which differed from the views of the Foreign Ministry and the Vice President. Fu also recorded Chiang Kai-shek’s views about and the development of the crisis, the possibility of war over Cuba and Berlin, and Chiang’s recognition of a general desire to avoid war throughout Europe, including the Soviet Union. Fu’s record also includes his observation of British weakness in the face of Soviet provocation, and the role of Adlai Stevenson, who was a member of Kennedy’s inner decision-making group and advocated making concessions to the Soviet Union by proposing the dismantling of America’s European military bases in exchange for Soviet withdrawal of missile facilities from Cuba. Fu also wrote down his personal view about the reportedly deliberate leak of Stevenson’s role by Kennedy himself.


Apart from the great power politics, Fu also managed to keep a record of other important international events around the world in this year’s diary. In the European theatre, Fu noted the closer strategic cooperation between North European countries induced by Soviet pressure, the election of the new Italian President, Greece’s entry into the Common Market and de Gaulle’s re-election as the French President. Fu was able to follow the development of the situation in the Middle East and Near East closely, thanks to the regular reports sent by Ding Weici, who was serving at the Chinese Embassy in Jordan and used to be Fu’s subordinate at the Chinese Embassy in the Soviet Union in the 1940s; Ding’s reports covered events in Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Syria and other members of the Arab League. In East Asia, the diary notes the conflict between the Netherlands and Indonesia over New Guinea and Sukarno, the Burmese coup led by an anti-Communist leader, the instability in Laos and Harriman’s trips to Laos and Thailand, and the coup in Brunei instigated by Indonesia calling for Brunei’s independence from British rule. In the African theatre, Fu noted the demise of the pro-Communist leader of the armed insurgents in Congo, the situation of Liberia and the country’s salience in America’s Africa strategy, as well as the signing of the peace accord between Algeria and France and the popularity of de Gaulle’s Algeria policy. In Latin America, the diary also notes the anti-Communist situation in Columbia and a coup in Argentina.


Cherishing the much longed-for peace and quiet in his life in Taiwan, Fu once again indicated in this diary his unwillingness to take on substantial responsibility for diplomatic work. Fu learned from his friend that President Chiang had considered appointing him as foreign minister in succession to Huang Shaogu, but his nomination failed to materialise because of the intervention of Madam Chiang who was in favour of Shen Changhuan for the post. Fu wrote that, for him, that outcome was actually a cause for rejoicing because he considered the foreign minister’s job too difficult to cope with, and he was indeed thankful for Madam Chiang’s ‘big help’. In late August, Fu had to be hospitalised at the National Taiwan University Hospital after being diagnosed with jaundice, and was finally discharged in early September after 15 days under hospital care. The diary also shows that Fu was deeply worried about the deteriorating health of his wife. His wife underwent major surgery this year, and struggled to recover before and after moving into her new house in London. Despite her own plight, she was keen on persuading Fu to come to London to live with the family and receive his medical treatment, and suggested that she would make all the necessary preparations. Though Fu declined the offer, he was very moved by his wife’s tender loving care, and was deeply worried about the lack of adequate care for his wife in London and their daughter-in-law’s growing disrespect for her. This year, Fu turned down his concubine’s request to come to Taiwan to live with him. His third daughter (Jintu) had to suspend her studies at National Taiwan University (NTU) for a year because of her deteriorating nasal conditions. Another highlight of his family life this year was the arrival of his youngest daughter (Jinxuan) in September from Hong Kong; Fu was keen to have her to come to Taiwan after twenty years’ separation; and he went to some lengths to help her enrol in NTU’s pre-university school in preparation for a second attempt for NTU’s enrolment next year. Fu was very saddened to learn of his Tenth Sister’s poor health and unhappy marriage. Fu also corresponded with his granddaughter (Yee Wah) and sent her his photos. This year’s diary also highlights the death of Hu Zongnan, Hu Shi and Mei Yiqi. In particular, Fu offered an account of Hu Shi’s sudden death, noted Hu’s wife’s misgivings about the various alleged unkind treatment she had encountered after the death of her husband. Fu also gave his personal appraisals of Hu Shi in the diary. Fu mourned at the loss of his life-long friend, Qian Tai, who also passed away this year. Fu also described the marriage of his friend Ambassador Duan Maolan with Legislator Wang Xiafen. In September, Fu bought a television.